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    CPSA Students Caucus Meeting

    Congrès annuel de l'ACSP 2019 - 4 juin 2019
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    Workshop: The Official Languages Act at 50
    Le 50e anniversaire de la Loi sur les langues officielles

    Congrès annuel de l'ACSP 2019 - 4 juin 2019
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    Reception: Department of Political Science
    University of British Columbia

    Congrès annuel de l'ACSP 2019 - 4 juin 2019
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    Association canadienne de science politique
    Programme du congrès annuel de l'ACSP 2019


    Organisé à l'Université de la Colombie-Britannique
    Mardi le 4 juin 2019 au jeudi 6 juin 2019
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    Discours présidentiel
    François Rocher, CPSA President

    Vie et mort d’un enjeu
    la science politique canadienne
    et la politique québécoise

    Location: CIRS 1250
    Mardi le 4 juin 2019 | 17 h 00 - 18 h 00
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    Keynote: UBCIC Grand
    Chief Stewart Phillip

    Asserting Indigenous
    Title and Rights in 2019

    Location: CIRS 1250
    Mardi le 4 juin 2019 | 10 h 30 - 12 h 00
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    Keynote Speaker: Wendy Brown
    In the Ruins of Neoliberalism:
    Our Predicaments:
    the Rise of Anti-democratic
    Politics in the West

    Location: CIRS 1250
    Mercredi le 5 juin 2019 | 14 h 00 - 15 h 30
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    Keynote Speaker: Roland Paris
    Canada Alone?
    Surviving in a Meaner World

    Location: CIRS 1250
    Jeudi le 6 juin 2019 | 10 h 30 - 12 h 00

Politique comparée

B10(a) - Violence in Politics

Date: Jun 5 | Heure: 10:30am to 12:00pm | Location: SWING 409

Chair/Président/Présidente : Gabrielle Bardall (International Foundation for Electoral Systems)

Discussant/Commentateur/Commentatrice : Sule Yaylaci (University of British Columbia)

ICT-Facilitated Violence Against Women in Elections: Unveiling Global Patterns and Trends: Gabrielle Bardall (International Foundation for Electoral Systems / University of Ottawa)
Abstract: Online spaces are the arena for many acts that violate individuals’ or groups’ political rights on the basis of their gender-identity (Bardall 2013, 2017). Harm committed against women with the intent and/or impact of interfering with their free and equal participation in the electoral process during the electoral period (known as violence against women in elections and politics, VAWE/P (Bardall 2013, IFES 2016)) occurs across social media and adversely impacts a range of civic and political activities (candidates, civic activists, journalists, public administrators, etc.). Building on conceptual presentations of “VAWE-online” (Bardall 2013, 2017; Krook and Restrepo 2015; IFES 2017) and growing recognition of gender-specific online forms of abuse (Women’s Media Center, 2017), this paper explores cross-national trends of VAWE-Online drawing on an original dataset from six countries worldwide. Using a unique model for empirically measuring VAWE-online through a structured sentiment analysis and translating VAWE theory into an operational framework, the model assess the presence of VAWE-online across multiple dimensions and identifies patterns of abusive behavior distinct to online spaces. The model is tested on the six countries (Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, United States, Ukraine, Zimbabwe) on a sample of over 3000 male and female candidates, election staff, journalists, activists and public figures, through research conducted with the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES). Results presented here deepen understanding of the nature of VAWE-online through the findings and present a globally-adaptable tool for the empirical analysis of this emerging challenge to gender equality in political participation.

Trust in Civil Wars: Wartime Transformations of Social Trust: Sule Yaylaci (University of British Columbia)
Abstract: This paper offers a new theory of wartime transformation of social trust and empirical support for it. The premise of the theory is that conflict character (motive of the insurgents and cleavages in civil war) determines the social and political processes that forms trust relations. How these processes altered assessment of others’ good intentions (trustworthiness) is laid out in the theory for both ethnic and ideological civil wars. The main argument is that ethnic territorial wars on average decrease identity-based out-group trust while not resulting in a pervasive decrease in generalized trust (context-dependent), whereas bloody revolutionary wars results in plummeting of generalized trust and context-based decline in identity-based out-group trust. The theory is grounded on original qualitative data I gathered studying the Kurdish insurgency in Turkey as a case of ethnic war (Kurdistan Workers’ Party—the PKK against the Turkish state, 1984-) and the Maoist insurgency in Peru as a case of ideological war (the Shining Path against the Peruvian state, 1980-2000). The data consists of +60 interviews and +16 focus groups from each country conducted in 2013 and 2014, and comparative historical and macro-sociological materials. Quantitative testing using pooled cross-national data supports the argument, controlling for socio-economic and conflict-induced factors. This paper clarifies the contradictory findings in the literature on the impacts of war on trust, and has critical implications for post-war security, governance, reconciliation and peace building.